Anarchist Voices from Armenia and Azerbaijan : On the Violence in Nagorno-Karabakh

This week, a new round of violence broke out over the contested zone of Nagorno-Karabakh, also known as Artsakh, an Armenian enclave in Azerbaijan. Anarchists from Armenia, Russia, and Azerbaijan share their analysis of the situation.


The Armenian genocide casts a long shadow over the region between the Aegean and Caspian Seas. A century ago, the government of the Ottoman Empire oversaw the murder of over a million Armenians, paving the way for the emergence of Turkey as an ethnonationalist state.

After a pogrom against Armenians in the Azerbaijani town of Sumgait in February 1988, the Armenian independence movement gained momentum in the Soviet Union, especially in Nagorno-Karabakh, a majority-Armenian region surrounded by majority-Azeri regions. In December 1991, shortly after the governments of Armenia and Azerbaijan had declared independence, Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh declared independence from Azerbaijan. The two governments went to war over the region. The conflict remained unresolved, with hostilities breaking out again in 2020.

Until now, the government of Russia has played mediator, brokering peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan and installing “peacekeeping” troops. But now that Russia is bogged down in Ukraine, the government of Azerbaijan has taken advantage of support from Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and wealth from increasing oil revenues to resume hostilities. First, they blockaded Nagorno-Karabakh, cutting off resources to it; then, this week, they attacked the region, killing at least dozens of people. Although the self-proclaimed government of Nagorno-Karabakh has capitulated, the latest chapter of this tragedy has only begun. There is reason to anticipate ongoing state violence, ethnic cleansing, and mass displacement, worsening the refugee crisis in Armenia and the surrounding area.

As we anticipated, war is continuing to spread around the region, from Yemen and Syria to Ukraine and Armenia:

The invasion of Ukraine is likely an indication of things to come. Over the past several decades, governments worldwide have invested billions of dollars in crowd control technology and military equipment while taking precious few steps to address mounting inequalities or the destruction of the natural world. As economic and ecological crises intensify, more governments will seek to solve their domestic problems by initiating hostilities with their neighbors.

If anything, this analysis underemphasizes the role of state-sponsored ethnic strife as a pressure valve to manage the failures of capitalism and the state—not only in Palestine, former Yugoslavia, and Kurdistan but also in the United States under Donald Trump.

The violence in Artsakh shows how little people can rely on state structures to protect them. Facing a centuries-long campaign of ethnic violence, the residents are trapped between the government of Azerbaijan, which aims to seize their land and resources, and the Armenian government, which has abandoned any pretense of ensuring their safety. Neither the Russian government nor the governments of Europe or the United States are interested in intervening. All of these governments are effectively running protection rackets that leave ordinary people at the mercy of ethno-nationalism and state militarism.

This is not an argument to support the Armenian military. Over the years, the Armenian government and its military forces and supporters have also committed the sort of atrocities that usually occur in conflicts over territories and resources. Rather, it is urgent to organize against ethnic strife, state violence, and colonial conquest in all their forms. To be effective, this must take place on both sides of every border, on both sides of every conflict.

Here, we present an excerpt from an anti-war statement from Azerbaijan and two texts from anarchists in Armenia—one Russian expatriate, one Armenian.

Anti-War Movements in Azerbaijan

It has been difficult to maintain contact with anarchists and other anti-authoritarian groups in Azerbaijan, owing in part to the repressive political situation. As usual, internal repression is an essential part of creating the conditions for a mobilization against an outside enemy, which then serves to distract from domestic problems. Nonetheless, there are elements of Azerbaijani society that oppose the war with Armenia. Witness the following excerpt from an anti-war manifesto published by anarchists and “leftist youth” in 2020:

The recent round of escalations between Azerbaijan and Armenia in Nagorno-Karabakh once again demonstrates how outdated the framework of a nation-state is for present realities. Inability to transcend the line of thought that divides people into humans and non-humans solely based on their place of birth and then proceeds to establish superiority of the “humans” over their dehumanized “others” as the sole possible scenario for a life within certain territorial boundaries is the only occupier that we have to struggle with. It is the occupier of our minds and abilities to think beyond the narratives and ways of imagining life, imposed upon us by our predatory nationalist governments.

It is this line of thought that makes us oblivious to the exploitative conditions of our bare survival in our respective countries as soon as the “nation” issues its call to protect it from the “enemy.” Our enemy is not a random Armenian whom we have never met in our lives and possibly never will. Our enemy is the very people in power, those with specific names, who have been impoverishing and exploiting the ordinary people as well as our country’s resources for their benefit for more than two decades.

They have been intolerant of any political dissent, severely oppressing dissidents through their massive security apparatus. They have occupied natural sites, seasides, mineral resources for their own pleasure and use, restricting the access of ordinary citizens to these sites. They have been destroying our environment, cutting down trees, contaminating water, and doing the full-scale “accumulation through dispossession.” They are complicit in the disappearance of historical and cultural sites and artifacts across the country. They have been diverting resources from essential sectors, such as education, healthcare, and social welfare, into the military, making profits for our capitalist neighbors with imperialist aspirations—Russia and Turkey.

Strangely enough, every single person is aware of this fact, but a sudden wave of amnesia hits everyone as soon as the first bullet gets shot on the contact line between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

The Situation in Artsakh, the Conditions in Azerbaijan

This is the perspective of a Russian anarchist living in exile in Yerevan.

On September 19, Azerbaijan launched its “anti-terrorist” operation against Artsakh [i.e., Nagorno-Karabakh]. There are already reports of civilian casualties.

Despite the capitulation of the authorities of the self-proclaimed republic and the recently launched negotiations between the military and political leadership, Azerbaijan continues to shell Stepanakert and other populated areas of Artsakh. Spontaneous resistance also continues from the local population. There are reports that residents of some villages refused to evacuate and said they would rather die than leave. Desperate battles continue, pitting Yugoslav rifles against drones.

We have already expressed our support for the victims of Azerbaijan’s aggression, as have our comrades in the Russian anarchist diaspora in Tbilisi, who also organize in their community there. Our comrades here in Yerevan have been collecting humanitarian aid for refugees. The “Mama-jan” café is working together with the Jewish diaspora of this city, opening their doors to collect assistance for those who are suffering.

As we see it, the Azerbaijani government is trying to implement the “final solution to the Armenian question” on the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh.

This conflict began in the late 1980s. Against a backdrop of liberalization, the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh took to the streets in tens of thousands, protesting against the infringement of their rights in Soviet Azerbaijan and demanding reunification with their historic homeland, Armenia, which had been divided at the beginning of the 20th century between Bolsheviks and Turkish Kemalists. The Armenian population in the city of Sumgait faced both repression and pogroms. A war began accompanied by ethnic cleansing, displacing hundreds of thousands of refugees on both sides. Azerbaijan lost the war, but did not reconcile.

It is important to understand the war in the context of the political and social situation that prevails in Azerbaijan. The Aliyev family has ruled Azerbaijan for decades. According to Bashir Kitchaev, an anti-war journalist with whom I had the pleasure of personally communicating in Tbilisi, they have done little for the population, which experiences widespread conditions of poverty; instead, they have focused on expanding the Azerbaijani military and fomenting ethnic hatred.

Alongside the government of Turkey, the government of Azerbaijan is participating in an international campaign to deny the Armenian genocide, which claimed the lives of over a million people, as well as an economic blockade of Armenia from both sides. Azerbaijani children are taught in school that “Armenians are enemies.” The Aliyevs have systematically engaged in the destruction of Armenian monuments—for example, in the region of Nakhichevan, destroying the khachkar cemetery in the town of Julfa and turning it into a military training ground. All of this is intended to erase the Armenian cultural heritage of these lands.

Erdoğan and Aliyev.

In 2020, the Azerbaijani military resumed operations in the midst of the pandemic, employing Islamist groups that had previously participated in attacks on Kurdish people in Afrin and utilizing Turkish weapons including cluster munitions. Afterwards, president Ilham Aliyev established the so-called “Museum of Victory,” publicly displaying stuffed Armenians and helmets taken from Armenian soldiers who had been killed.

Provocations continued despite the ceasefire agreements. The Azerbaijani military has repeatedly opened fire, kidnapped people, shelled and occupied the internationally recognized territory of the Republic of Armenia itself, and then, starting on December 12, 2022, blockaded the region of Artsakh, blocking the only highway connecting the Armenians there with the outside world.

This rendered 120,000 Armenians hostages—including 30,000 children—as the Azerbaijani government cut off gas and electricity to the region during the harsh Caucasian winter. Thousands of schools and kindergartens were closed. Food began to disappear from the shelves, famine broke out, and hospitals began to run out of medicine.

The “Museum of Victory” in Azerbaijan.

On April 23, 2023—a date dedicated to the memory of the victims of the 1915 genocide—Aliyev established a military checkpoint and presented the Armenians in Artsakh with an ultimatum: accept Azerbaijani citizenship or face expulsion.

Now, after starving more than a hundred thousand people for several months, the regime, taking advantage of the distraction of public attention to the war in Ukraine, seeks to complete its ethnic cleansing.

An Azerbaijani victory will intensify ethnic violence in the region, endangering the lives of thousands. It will strengthen the regime that persecuted and tortured Azerbaijani anarchists and anti-war leftists and consolidate the position of Turkish imperialism. It could also call into question the independence of Armenia.

Aliyev has repeatedly spoken about the so-called “Zangezur corridor,” another swath of Armenia that he seeks to incorporate into Azerbaijan; he once stated that “Irevan [Yerevan] is our historical land, and we Azerbaijanis must return to these historic lands.” In the context of the shelling of Sotk, Jermuk, and other territories of Armenia, this gives rise to concerns.

Are these statements simply intended to put the Azerbaijani government in a stronger position to negotiate, or do they reflect a serious intent? It’s hard to say. But it is indisputable that any victory for Azerbaijani militarism or Turkish imperialism will represent a setback for anarchists and other social movements, because it will establish a military regime in the conquered territories that will intensify and expand both outward and inward. All of this will become scorched earth for anti-authoritarians.

I am the last one who will defend the Armenian state with its plutocracy and police brutality, but the Azerbaijani government does not represent a better alternative. A variety of organizations including Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, Reporters Without Borders, and many others criticize the Azerbaijani government, classifying the country as authoritarian. In Freedom House’s Freedom Acceptance Index, Armenia and the unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic are ranked much higher in terms of human rights and democracy than Azerbaijan.

According to human rights activists, there are roughly 100 political prisoners in Azerbaijani prisons. Journalists are imprisoned, blackmailed, and forced into exile. The country recently adopted a “media law” with which the authorities intend to suppress independent journalism. Journalists who have fled the country face the threat of kidnapping; one has reportedly experienced three assassination attempts.

The government of Azerbaijan maintains a personality cult around Heydar Aliyev, the father of the current president. In 2016, during one of the holidays dedicated to the late dictator, two Azerbaijani anarchists were detained—Giyas Ibrahimov and Bayram Mamedov.

They had painted anarchist graffiti on a monument to the dictator in the capital city of Baku. Police captured, tortured, and imprisoned them on trumped-up drug charges, claiming to have found precisely one kilogram of heroin in each of their homes. Mamedov later died in an accident in Istanbul. Human rights organizations recognized Giyas Ibrahimov as a prisoner of conscience. During the outbreak of the Second Karabakh War, Giyas signed the statement of the left-wing anti-war Azerbaijani youth and once again faced repression for his opposition to the war.

Bayram Mammadov and Giyas Ibrahimov facing sentencing. In the footage, the lawyer Elchin Sadigov says that Bayram Mammadov declared in his testimony in court that the drug charges against the two of them were retribution for the graffiti on the statue; Bayram’s relatives said that he didn’t so much as even smoke. The lawyer also says that Giyas Ibrahimov refused to testify under torture during the investigation.

Indigenous national minorities also face discrimination under the government of Azerbaijan. Some peoples, such as the Tats, cannot study their language in educational institutions at all. In areas densely populated by small peoples, most of the political and economic power is concentrated in their hands of ethnic Azerbaijanis. Talysh people living in the south of the country face a ban on using the word “Talysh,” for example, on signs in restaurants or in local history books. Representatives of minority groups that speak out face repression and accusations of “extremism” and “separatism.” For example, one leader of the Sadval movement, which advocated for the autonomy of Lezgins in Russia and Azerbaijan, was imprisoned and killed.

Aliyev was one of Erdoğan’s chief allies when the Turkish military invaded Rojava. Aliyev’s victory in Artsakh will embolden those who seek a Pan-Turkist empire, intensifying the pressure on anti-colonial and anti-authoritarian movements throughout the region.

Azerbaijani anarchist Giyas Ibrahimov faced repression again for an anti-war statement in 2020.

For thousands of years, the people of Artsakh lived on these lands, building schools, houses and temples. The Armenian anarchist Alexander Atabekyan was born in Artsakh, going on to become a friend of Peter Kropotkin. We remember his words:

“The natural connection with one’s home, with the homeland in the literal sense of the word, should be called territoriality, in contrast to statehood, which is a forced unification within arbitrary boundaries.

Anarchism, while rejecting statehood, cannot deny territoriality.

Love for homeland and tribe is not only not alien, but is also characteristic of an anarchist no less than any other person.”

Following the anarchists in Rojava, we call for support for the Artsakh people.

Freedom for peoples—death for empires!

Artsakh, we stand with you!

The graffiti painted by Bayram Mammadov and Giyas Ibrahimov: “Fuck the system.”

The Situation in Yerevan

Sona, an Armenian anarcha-feminist, speaks on the protests in Yerevan, the machinations of Armenian politicians, and the uncertain future of the region.

The protests began on the evening of September 19. Protesters began gathering at two locations in Yerevan—the government building on Republic Square and the Russian Embassy. Russian expatriates also held a small rally at the Myasnikyan monument.

On September 19, protesters began to gather spontaneously on Republic Square, but on the afternoon of September 20, the political forces of Robert Kocharyan had already organized there to monopolize the space. They represent something even worse than the government that currently rules Armenia. Kocharyan was the second president of this country; a good friend of Putin, he represents a pro-Kremlin policy. For Kocharyan’s supporters, the rallies offer an opportunity to improve their position and seek power, but this will not help the people in Artsakh or the refugees that will be arriving from there.

Kocharyan’s supporters demand the resignation of Nikol Pashinyan, the current Prime Minister of Armenia, and say that they are ready to go to war, although in fact it is already too late to fight—Artsakh has already surrendered. The police attacked the demonstrators with stun grenades.

Fewer people gathered at the Russian Embassy; the rally that took place there involved forces that support the current government. Although one telegram channel said that representatives of the intelligentsia and the leftist movement were gathering at the embassy, this is not correct, if only because there is no leftist movement in Armenia.

The pro-government telegram channel Bagramyan 26 called for blocking the Russian Embassy, but at the same time being polite to the police. The police did not do anything at that rally, although it too was unpermitted, just like the protest at Republic Square.

This is the hypocrisy of our government—they break up one rally and allow another. But responsibility for the abandonment of Artsakh lies not only with the Kremlin, but also with Pashinyan’s government, as well as the previous political forces that have ruled Armenia. The problems that led to the war in 2020 and the current situation did not arise yesterday; a whole series of political forces in Armenia and other countries is implicated.

Pashinyan’s resignation would not bring back those who died in this war, nor in the war of 2020, nor in the preceding wars; it would not help the residents of Artsakh in any way. It will not help the people who were deprived of their homes, land, or health, who were starved for several months. Artsakh no longer exists—that’s it. If pro-Kremlin forces come to power, Armenia will become an enclave of Russia.

The position of the Pashinyan government today is that they will not interfere in the conflict between Artsakh and Azerbaijan. This is hypocritical, to say the least, considering that all the residents of Artsakh have Armenian passports, they use Armenian currency. Artsakh is an Armenian quasi-state. Armenians like us live there.

Pashinyan is a pro-Western politician. He began to criticize the Kremlin, threatening to leave the CSTO [Collective Security Treaty Organization, involving Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan]. In the last few months, he has declared that Armenia is not an ally of Russia in the war with Ukraine and has begun sending humanitarian aid to Ukraine. If Pashinyan’s government remains in power, Armenia will become a more European-oriented country while surrendering territories one after another.

There is a third option, but it is unlikely. A military junta could come to power. But that scenario would also be also bad.

The surrender of Artsakh is Azerbaijan’s latest frontier in seizing Armenian territories. If Armenia surrendered Artsakh without even firing a single shot in response, this means that other provinces will surrender just as easily—the next one will be Syunik, then Sevan. It is an open question whether the country of Armenia will remain on the map in fifty years.

There are different positions within our anarchist circle in Yerevan, but everyone agrees that the aggression in Artsakh on the part of Azerbaijan is an act of genocide. We see the influence of the Kremlin here, the result of Russian geopolitics.

Yesterday, I was in Republic Square before it was taken over by pro-Kocharyan forces. I thought that it was my duty to stand beside the parents of the dead soldiers, beside the people of Artsakh who evacuated in 2020, beside my compatriots who express their protest against the inaction of the Armenian army and the Armenian authorities.

Personally, I experience this situation very emotionally. I cannot demand Pashinyan’s resignation, because there is no better alternative now, but I realize that the government has made a mess of this situation. I feel great solidarity with my fellow countrymen and I feel sorry for everyone who died in this war and in the war in the 1990s.

The realization comes that all these sacrifices were in vain. Everything is lost. I myself am participating today in collecting humanitarian aid. This is especially important, given the experience of 2020, when the state did not take care of refugees. They were simply settled in an abandoned factory building, in which there was absolutely nothing—just bare walls. Volunteers installed toilets in the building themselves.

I do not encourage people to go to rallies. On the first day of the protests, many people participated in the demonstrations and what occurred was largely spontaneous. But since then, every public gathering point has been seized by some politician and his supporters.

Instead, I suggest you come to our humanitarian aid collection point, the Letters and Numbers co-working space on Tumanyan Street. Bring humanitarian aid and participate in sorting it so that when the refugees arrive, we will be ready to give them something. This is now very important to help thousands of people from Artsakh, but we don’t have enough hands.

Humanitarian Initiatives in Armenia
  • The space Letters and Numbers and the Armenian Food Bank have opened a humanitarian aid collection point. Please bring non-perishable food items and clothing to St. Tumanyan, 35G, Yerevan.
  • Volunteer fund for helping victims of the war “Ethos” St. Khorenatsi 30, Yerevan.
  • Sasha Manakina’s collection can be found at this link. Sasha is one of the heroines of the new zine Alarm!
  • The Viva Charitable Foundation has been providing medicine, rehabilitating the wounded, and helping Artsakh since 2016.

Russian Anarchists on the Wagner Mutiny : Combat Organization of Anarcho-Communists and Movement of Irkutsk Anarchists

Early on June 24, Vladimir Putin addressed Russia about the unfolding rebellion of the Wagner private military company, saying that Yevgeny Prigozhin’s rebellion is “pushing the country toward anarchy and fratricide.”

This is a misuse of words. Fratricide has long been the rule under Putin. Torturing and assassinating dissidents was fratricide. Invading Ukraine was fratricide. Both the Wagner company and the Russian military have long been involved in fratricide. Anarchy is the opposite of fratricide: it is the condition that prevails when people do not compete to rule each other. Totalitarianism always leads to bloody conflicts over power.

Looking at the situation in Russia, one can’t help but think of the civil war that erupted in Sudan between the army and the Rapid Support Forces earlier this year. Looking to suppress powerful social movements for liberation, the government equipped the mercenaries of the Rapid Support Forces, only to end up fighting with them for control of the country.

This sort of widespread violence is the inevitable end result of militarization. As governments and corporations rely more and more on brute force to suppress social unrest, channeling more and more resources towards police and private security, they are creating the conditions for horrific civil wars on an ever-widening scale. The civil strife that is breaking out in Sudan and Russia today may well break out elsewhere tomorrow if we do not succeed in shifting the course of our society on a global scale.1

Here, we have hurriedly translated two statements from Russian anarchist groups. Both, of necessity, are underground groups: one is based in Siberia, and the other is the Anarcho-Communist Combat Organization, which we interviewed last year.

Movement of Irkutsk Anarchists

Published in Russian here.

In the current situation around the Wagner mutiny, there is no side we can choose but ourselves.

The same can be said for the large part of the population—neither the Putin regime nor those competing with it for authority will act in the interests of all the peoples in Russia.

At the moment, we can prepare for a variety of possible outcomes. One cannot rule out the possibility that people’s self-defense groups, whose main task in a scenario of civil war inside the country might be organizing the safety of the people, as well as the logistical networking for providing food and basic necessities. No one should be completely defenseless against the mercenary military formations and the Russian army, and one of the main weapons available to us all is solidarity and mutual aid.

At the same time, we should think about what to do if the current state authority collapses in the city of Irkutsk or in the entire Irkutsk region.

We advocate for organizing open popular councils, assemblies, and forums on all the most important issues of public life, including economy, provisioning, the conservation of nature, human rights, self-defense, education, and city services. In all of these structures, we would like to see independent committees of women and Indigenous peoples.2

In the meantime, we are watching the situation unfold. Putin is already talking on the television, saying that he fears the destruction of the state system and the onset of “anarchy”! As anarchists, we can say that the dictator is rightly afraid of anarchy: after all, it implies that his power and the idea of “the Russian world” will cease to exist, and that instead, society will begin to function according to the principles of self-government, decentralization, and federalism.

We believe that anarchy is still quite a long way off in this country. But we are not powerless in the current situation; we can prepare ourselves for anything that may happen and watch carefully to see if there will be a moment that will be favorable to all those here who yearn for freedom, tired of Putin’s regime. We would like all who consider this to think about what they would do in such case, and team up with others who can be trusted and relied upon.

This is the least and most basic thing that can be done right now.

Combat Organization of Anarcho-Communists

Published in Russian here.

We have indeed moved into a new phase of this turning point in history. It has long been clear that those at the top of the power structure would begin to gnaw at each other soon; it was only a matter of time.

Now, the main task of the anarchist and liberation movements both in Russia and abroad is to consolidate the available forces, to acquire what is needed, to analyze the moment, to establish communication channels that have fallen apart, and to be ready to act.

We do not flatter ourselves: the onset of this moment could take some time. From the February revolution (during which the generals participated in removing the Tsar) to the October revolution, nine months passed. From the Kornilov rebellion to October, two months.

But one thing is clear. First, the moment of direct armed confrontation is nearer than ever before. Second, neither the Putin regime nor Prigozhinsky are our friends. In this fight between two cannibals, anarchists should stay away—let them bleed each other as much as possible. That way, they won’t be able to disturb people in the future.

But this period of waiting for the right moment should be spent to our benefit. And all the time, at every moment—to prepare and increase your readiness to act—but also to analyze the situation every moment, to be ready to start acting, leaving everything behind, even if the readiness is insufficient. Because even worse than starting early, rushing ahead of the moment, is to oversleep the moment when you could turn the story in the right direction.

Also, we would like to say something on the topic of calls to attack military registration and enlistment offices and other government buildings right now.

We strongly disagree with this call. Right now, the enemy is preparing to repel an attack—not from partisans, but from mutineers with weapons. Attacking such objects right now means wasting your resources, practically attacking the fortified fortresses of the enemy with bare hands.

The guerrilla must strike where the empire is vulnerable, not where the armor is. Strike where the enemy is not waiting. Therefore, right now, it is possible to attack objects far from cities. The enemy has gathered forces all together for defense? That means he has exposed the distant frontiers and access roads. Attack gas and oil pipelines, attack railroad tracks leading to military facilities (but far from them), attack power lines and water pipes that feed police and military bases. But not the objects themselves, where the enemy is waiting.

Or, if the risk is too great—spend this time preparing for an armed uprising.

A lively and combat-ready partisan who can take part in future confrontations is now a hundred times more important than a partisan who threw an improvised munition at a cop and was shot dead by a stressed out cop.

And don’t forget the Counter-Terrorist Operation regime.3 Even if you decide not to attack a cop, but a power line 5 kilometers away, the risks of being caught on the way under the CTO regime increase many times over. Evaluate sensibly and do not take unnecessary risks.

  1. In retrospect, the events of January 6, 2021 in Washington, DC may give us the slightest foretaste of what a conflict pitting far-right police officers and soldiers against the United States government might look like. 

  2. The region known as Irkutsk is located in Southeastern Siberia and is home to several Indigenous peoples; the history of the colonization of Siberia roughly parallels the timeline and events of the colonization of the so-called Americas. 

  3. In Moscow, the Moscow region, and the Voronezh region, the government introduced a Counter-Terrorist Operation regime on June 24 in response to the mutiny of Yevgeny Prigozhin and the Wagner company.